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Search the history of over billion web pages on the Internet. Full text of " C. Hart Merriam papers relating to work with California Indians, LOWIE -A cursory survey of the cultures of California and the Shoshonean region to the east suggests a basic and ancient connection between them. Very little has been published regarding the Plateau or, to use Barrett 's term, Basin Shoshoneans.

Since I have had an opportunity to visit a considerable number of their tribal and subtribal groups, I venture to set forth observations on a number of points, all relating to non-material culture, which seem to have a bearing on the cultural relations of the two regions mentioned, or at least on the probable antiquity of a recorded custom in either.

Among the Lemhi of Idaho the usage was still rigorously observed in Comparison with neighboring Plains tribes, such as the Blackfoot, Crow, Gros Ventre, and Arapaho suggests that while men- strual restrictions of some sort may have been universal in North America there was a definite line of cleavage, probably coterminous with the eastern boundary of the Shoshoneans, which separated tribes stressing the relevant taboos from those which attached less sig- nificance to them.

This statement cannot of course be taken in an absolute sense, for the Omaha, to cite a single instance, had the menstrual hut and very definite regulations associated with it.

Never- theless, broadly speaking, the area of intensive menstrual taboos seems to begin immediately to the west of the Plains and to extend to the Pacific. One feature that more especially allies the Shoshoneans with the Californians is the rule that a menstruating woman shall not eat meat. I did not make specific inquiries on this point, but the lack of evidence from any of the groups visited indicates that this feature cannot have figured so prominently as among the Cali- fornians.

It must, however, be noted as a significant fact that after the birth of a child both Ute parents were required to employ a scratch-stick, for a mutual influence of parturition and menstrual observances is not only a priori conceivable but is definitely estab- lished for the Lemhi and the Southern Ute.

The latter make the expectant mother abstain from meat, while the former have her retire to a menstrual lodge. Accordingly, the occurrence of a head-scratcher after confinement renders plausible the use of the same device as a catamenial implement. This, however, is merely a provisional hypo- thesis. From the point of view of Californian relations it is more significant that the head-scratcher is definitely linked with the puberty rite of the Nootka, the Thompson River Indians, and the Tahltan.

The Shivwits and Moapa are subdivisions of the Southern Paiute, who are dialectically affiliated with the Ute and are to be distinguished from the Northern Paiute or Paviotso.

Dorsey, Omaha Sociology, 3d Ann. Speck, Ethnology of the Yuchi, Anthr. Morice, The Canadian Denes, Ann. Toronto , , Emmons, The Tahltan Indians, Anthr. Since the southern half of California was in appreciable measure the home of Shoshonean tribes, the question arises whether or not a peculiarly close bond links the adolescence and other menstrual cus- toms of the Plateau people with their congeners to the south and west.

This assumption must be negatived. The resemblances between the observances of the Cahuilla,'' e. On the other hand, three special features connect the Plateau with the non-Shoshonean tribes of northern California: To these should be added the dura- tion of the rite for five days or a number which is a multiple of five, the first menses leading to a ten days' seclusion among the Northern Ute and a five or twenty-five days' seclusion among the Paviotso.

Since the custom of duration for five or ten days does not seem to extend beyond the Maidu, our comparison leads to the conclusion that the affiliations of the Plateau Shoshonean menstrual customs are predominantly with the northern Californian equivalents.

On the other hand, the Californian usages display genetic relations in two directions, not only eastward but also northward well into British Columbia, as witnessed by the distribution of the head-scratcher. The weakest development of the usage is in the northwestern part of the state. Several of the Plateau Shoshoneans share the couvade of the Californian pattern.

The Moapa abstained from sexual intercourse OS. Hooper, The Cahuilla Indians, present series, xvi, , Further, as soon as the father heard of the child's birth he would run some distance and back again in order to secure longevity for himself.

The Southern Ute mother must remain indoors and abstain from meat and cold water for a month, while the same regu- lations extend to her husband for four days. If a man drank cold water before the expiration of the four days, his teeth were believed to rot. He was further expected to run round the hills the morning after the birth lest he lose his luck in catching deer. Both parents were forbidden to scratch themselves with their fingers, a wooden stick being carried for the purpose, nor were they permitted to rub their eyes on pain of becoming blind.

For several days after the birth of the infant its father must not ride horseback. The Paviotso father, like his wife, abstained from all flesh, piled up wood for twenty-five days, and assumed all his wife's household duties. Since the material on other natal customs is fragmentary and negative evidence accordingly counts for little, all the Plateau Sho- shoneans are best compared as a group with the Shasta-Achomawi and Maidu. On the other hand, the taboo against the mother's drinking of cold water and the practice of placing her in a pit are shared by Southern Ute and Cahuilla.

Hopkins, Life among the Piutes Boston , 49 ff. Lowie, The Northern Shoshoni, Anthr. Dixon, The Northern Maidu, Bull. The Paviotso interred, and expressly deny having ever cremated, the dead. The Lemhi and Wind River Shoshoni preferably placed the corpse in the cleft of a rock. It is presumably not without significance that the only tribes which cremated are also those which in recent times adopted the South Californian mourning ceremony.

NAMES The aversion to telling one's personal name has persisted among Californian peoples until the most recent times. On the other hand, this sentiment seems to me to be far less pronounced in the Plains region. We are indeed told, e. The Omaha, like the Blackfoot, regard it as exceedingly impolite to make such inquiries and altogether invested the name with a halo derived from its sacred gentile associations. Thus, a bystander among the Wind River is not forbidden to reveal the information sought.

As for the names themselves, there is some variation. But the Paviotso named the majority of their girls for flowers, and some of the Southern Ute names are said to be meaningless, as are those of the Moapa and Shivwits Paiute. Dixon, The Northern Maidu, It is interesting to note that the free use of a dead individual's name is shared by the Wind River Shoshoni with the Arapaho, and among more remote Plains tribes with the Hidatsa.

As might be expected, initial matrilocal residence is linked with it, being explicitly ascribed, though not necessarily as an obligatory practice, to the Northern Ute, Paviotso, Lemhi, and the Wind River. One statement permits the inference that it also occurred among the Paiuto. The relative insignificance of formal payment for a wife stands of course in contrast to Northwest Californian usage, where bride- service and matrilocal residence appear as mere makeshifts for the orthodox institution of purchaKe.

In this instance, too much weight cannot be attached to negative evidence, of course. Probably both customs belong to the ancient Shoshonean culture. Although they are shared by nearly all the Californians, their occurrence is so wide that no specific his- torical inference can be drawn from this similarity. However, the general distribution of these institutions suggests a chronological con- clusion of wider bearing.

They are found more or less throughout the region of sibless tribes ; they coexist in many cases with the sib organization; they are lacking among the Ilopi and Zuiii.

Since North American students are now agreed that the sib organization is a relatively late, development, linked as it usually is with the rela- tively advanced economic condition of horticulture, it is reasonable to assume that levirate and sororate are earlier than the sib.

Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bull. Dixon, The Shasta, ff. The Northern Maidu, 18 L. Powers, The Tribes of California, Contr. Lowie, Primitive Society, ff. The most significant fact is that they share certain highly characteristic features which are wholly or virtually unknown in the more eastern region of the continent.

A full com- parison must be postponed until the publication of Mr. Gilford's complete survey, but the following data are worth stressing at the present time. One of the most widespread features of the nomenclatures found east of the Rockies is the designation by a single term of the father and the father's brother, and the corresponding classification under one head of mother and mother's sister.

This type of grouping, whether ultimately due to a sib organization or to the joint influence of levirate and sororate, is empirically found to be very frequently associated with exogamous sibs. But in California even a tribe like the Miwok, who are organized into exogamous moieties, only partly conforms to the norm: Thus, the Yokuts call the father natet or vocatively, opoyo , the father's brother koymoish; the mother nazhozh vocatively , ishaya , the mother's sister mokoi.

The Washo denote the two par- ents as koi and la, while the parallel uncle and aunt are eushi and sha'sha. The Porno have e voc. The same authority's notes may be quoted for the Maidu. In each local subdivision the same differen- tiation appears.

Thus, the Northwestern Maidu have kuli for father, kumi for paternal uncle; konti for mother, de for mother's sister. Gifford, Miwok Moieties, present series, xii, , Kroeber, California Kinship Systems, present series, xii, ff. On this point my unpublished notes on the Paviotso confirm Kroeber's data for the same group, and I am likewise able to corroborate by independent observations in other local groups those of Sapir among the Kaibab Paiute and the Northern Ute. But it is clear that the total range of this feature is even somewhat larger, embracing the Chinook and some of the Salish.

The differ- entiation of maternal from paternal grandparents is of such rarity in cismontane North America that Morgan does not provide distinct tables for them and especially comments on their discrimination by the Spokane.

Elsewhere I have shown that this trait, far from being exceptional, is shared by some other Salish tribes and by the Takelma and Wishram, in addition to occuring in the Southwest.

Among the Ute, both Sapir and I find discrimination of female as well as male grandparents according to the sex of the connecting rela- tive.

Kroeber and I have independently obtained the same distinction from Paviotso informants, and it certainly is characteristic of the Lemhi and Wind River Shoshoni. But here again a feature that separates the Shoshoneans from the East links them with California. The Karok call either grandparent on the father's side atic, while the maternal grandparents are designated as gut and git. In Yuki the father's father is osh, the mother's father pit, the father's mother pop, the mother's mother tit, while the corresponding Pomo terms are madili, gach ; mats, ghats.

The Yokuts have a generic word for grand- father but distinctive terms for the two kinds of grandmother. Thus, the Northwestern Mountain group has aam, pa; sakam, to; arid the 22 jUd.

Gifford, Tubatiilabal and Kawaiisu Kinship Terms, present series, xii, ' Lowie, Family and Sib, Am.

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